The Third Eye: Terrorism on US Soil
The terror attack carried out by an ISIS convert, Shamsuddin Jabbar, on New Year’s Day at New Orleans’ famed Bourbon Street, has brought to light the harsh reality that Islamic radical forces, though weakened, remain active and are present across the globe as ‘sleeper cells’ and ‘lone wolves’. These individuals are determined to execute their plans, primarily targeting the US-led West and their allies.
Terrorism, by definition, is the use of covert violence for a perceived political cause, often requiring a high degree of commitment and motivation. The faith-based drive behind the call for Jihad can be extremely strong, making it unsurprising that a radicalized individual would carry out acts such as those committed by Jabbar. Reports suggest Jabbar acted alone.
Born in Texas, Jabbar had rented an accommodation in New Orleans to plan the attack. The incident, marked by its severity, prompted US President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden to visit New Orleans and meet the families of the victims.
In the context of this terrorist attack on US soil, three significant developments have raised geopolitical concerns, particularly for President-elect Donald Trump. First, recent reports revealed that several terror suspects were already under FBI surveillance, suggesting that the US is still vulnerable to Islamic radicalism, especially with the ease of indoctrination via cyber channels and social media. American security agencies now face an expanded challenge in identifying and neutralizing these threats—an issue that concerns democratic nations worldwide.
The second critical point is that Jabbar was an Army veteran, having served in Afghanistan. He remained active in the military until 2015 and put in his papers in 2020 as a Staff Sergeant. His case highlights that radicalization can influence even educated, well-employed individuals, not just the poor and disillusioned youth. Jabbar, despite being financially troubled after his first divorce, became a convert to the ISIS ideology. In one of his videos before the attack, Jabbar discussed the “war between believers and non-believers,” declaring his allegiance to ISIS. Authorities found an ISIS leaflet in the back of his truck, underscoring his connection to the terrorist group.
It is important to remember that the US’s “war on terror,” which began after the 9/11 attacks, was mainly aimed at combating Islamic radicals, first under Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and later ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Despite these efforts, the US was forced to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan following an agreement with the Taliban in 2021, leading to the Taliban’s return to power in Kabul. Pakistan’s role as a mediator in Doha to facilitate the Taliban’s return further complicated the situation. Jabbar, witnessing the defiance of Islamic radicals against the US-led coalition, likely saw them as symbols of resilience.
The third point to consider is that Jabbar, like many radicalized individuals, became an admirer of ISIS rather than Al Qaeda. After the elimination of Osama bin Laden and his successor Ayman Al-Zawahiri by US special operations, ISIS emerged as the face of Islamic radicalism. Jabbar’s attack in New Orleans followed the typical terrorist modus operandi—he used a rented truck to run over crowds on New Year’s Day, opening fire and killing 14 people while injuring 35 others. He had loaded the truck with automatic weapons, explosives, and IEDs, planting two devices at key locations in the city. However, he could not use the detonators before being killed in a police encounter.
Jabbar’s attack embodies the deep-rooted hatred that radical groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS hold toward the US. These terrorists carry forward the legacy of the Wahhabi Jihad movement, which began in the 19th century in response to Western imperialism in Muslim lands. Radicalization is bred by such ideologies, and for it to be combated, a voice against terrorism must emerge from within the Muslim community itself. A global consensus is needed to declare that terrorist violence cannot be justified under any circumstances.
Looking at the geopolitical situation, a new Cold War seems to be developing between the US and the China-Russia axis, which is further influenced by religious alignments, particularly in the Middle East. Iran’s Shia fundamentalism opposes US capitalism, and it has embraced Sunni radical groups like Hamas, who also see the US-led West as an enemy. Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria, supported by Iran, contrasts with US-backed forces in Syria opposing the Assad government. Islamic radical forces have long fought against the Assad regime in pursuit of an Islamic Emirate.
ISIS’s hostility toward Russia, which has supported Assad, is also notable. In March 2021, ISIS-K claimed responsibility for a terrorist attack on a concert hall in Moscow, killing 130 people and injuring hundreds more. This attack could be seen as a warning to Russia to not obstruct the spread of radicalization in Central Asia. ISIS’s antagonism toward Russia also stems from the Soviet Union’s past actions in Afghanistan, where Islamic radical forces, including Al Qaeda, were involved in the anti-Soviet Jihad.
As Donald Trump prepares to take office as US President, this recent attack underscores the ongoing challenge posed by terrorism. While Trump has not yet outlined a complete strategy, his strong stance against faith-based terrorism seems to be a central element of his approach. Trump’s “America First” policy may also lead him to avoid military interventions, opting instead for a focus on US economic interests.
India, which shares concerns about terrorism, has a significant interest in maintaining a strong relationship with the US. India understands the roots of radicalization and has faced its own security challenges, particularly from the Sino-Pak axis, which has engaged in covert operations against India. These include Pakistan’s use of Chinese drones to drop arms and narcotics in the border states of Punjab and Kashmir.
It remains to be seen how the Trump administration will approach Pakistan, which continues to grapple with its military’s ambiguous stance on Islamic radicalism. Groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) are pushing Pakistan toward a more fundamentalist Islamic rule. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), where TTP is active, was also the epicenter of the anti-British Wahhabi revolt in the 19th century, contributing to the region’s radicalization.
India’s foreign policy, which focuses on fostering bilateral and multilateral relationships based on shared security and economic interests, should align well with Trump’s “America First” doctrine. While the US may prioritize its economic interests, this need not lead to an Indo-US contradiction. Moreover, as a leader in Information Technology and Artificial Intelligence, India can collaborate with the US to further the global knowledge economy.
The post-Cold War era has ushered in a new era of “proxy wars,” where covert tactics like cyberattacks, external insurgencies, and social media manipulation are becoming common tools of asymmetric warfare. As terrorism, the narcotics trade, and human trafficking continue to pose global threats, international cooperation will be key. Hopefully, India and the Trump administration will find common ground in addressing these challenges and work together to protect global security.
(The writer is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau. Views are personal.)
